1) What reactants were involved in this disaster? How did they come to
be chemically combined?
The Imo was a non-factor as far as the blast was concerned; her only
(unfortunate) part in the tragedy was to ignite the initial fire.
The Mont Blanc, on the other hand, was a floating arsenal. Included
in her cargo were 35 tons of Benzol, similar to a high-octane
gasoline; three hundred artillery rounds; ten tons of gun cotton (a
more-stable variant of gunpowder); 2300 tons of picric acid in both
wet and dry form; and 200 tons of TNT.
It is not thought that a chemical reaction caused the blast, except in
the narrowly technical sense that burning is a chemical reaction.
Sparks from the collision ignited the benzol, which burned merrily
(other cargo on the Mont Blanc included flammable items such as
lumber) for some time. Eventually, the flames triggered one of the
high explosives on the ill-fated vessel; probably the picric acid. In
its dry form (which was part of the ship's cargo) picric acid is
notoriously unstable and accident-prone. Once the initial explosion
occurred, of course, the remainder of the ship's cargo detonated
within a fraction of a second.
2) Why did the explosion occur? Could it have been prevented? How?
Understandably, this was a burning question in the months (and years)
after the tragedy. Initially, it was thought that the Germans might
have had something to do with it; witnesses claimed to have seen
Zeppelins above the city. This was later discredited, though some
old-timers persisted in the notion that it was somehow "the Germans'
fault".
The captain and bridge crew of the Imo were killed in the blast, but
the crew of the Mont Blanc all survived, except for one crewman who
died from loss of blood. The Mont Blanc crew were initially charged
with manslaughter and jailed; though they were later set free. In
April 1918 a Nova Scotia court declared the Mont Blanc solely at
fault, but the following year the Supreme Court of Canada ruled on
appeal that the ships were equally at fault. This was confirmed by a
ruling of the Privy Council in London, at that time the highest court
ruling on Canadian affairs. It is hard to escape the impression that
the Mont Blanc crew were seen as a handy scapegoat in the spring of
1918.
So how did it happen? Well, Captain Haakon From of the Imo was never
able to tell his side of the tale, but much was made later of the fact
that the Mont Blanc was not flying the red pennant which was the
internationally recognized symbol of explosives on board. Captain Le
Medec of the Mont Blanc, for his part, contended that the red pennant
was customary, not mandatory, and that in any case it would be suicide
for a vessel in wartime...especially one as slow as the Mont Blanc,
with her top speed of 7 1/2 knots. Official inquiries later pointed
to an inadequate supply of harbour pilots, language problems, and many
areas in which wartime urgency had overridden the harbour's safety
guidelines. All of these things may have contributed to the disaster,
but there is no way to know for certain.
What is certain is that Captain From was travelling faster than was
customary in the Narrows, and was out of his correct lane. The rest
seems to have been a tragically large-scale version of the dance that
strangers do when meeting in a doorway.
Could it have been prevented? As long as there have been humans,
there has been human error; ultimately that is the underlying story of
the explosion.
3) What were the economic and social costs?
These were, of course, immense; and in some respects incalculable. In
a city of 50-60,000 people roughly 2000 lost their lives; 9000 more
were injured (some severely); 6000 were left homeless, and
approximately 20,000 were underhoused due to structural damage across
most of the city's residential neighbourhoods.
The names of the 1,951 "known dead" from the blast are preserved in
the Halifax Explosion Memorial Book, available online by courtesy of
the Provincial Archive. The link I've provided takes you to the first
page of the book. If you look down the left-hand column of the page,
you will find the names of Amy and Elsie Allen on Allen St in the
relatively intact west side of the city; and Mrs. E. Allen and John R
Allen of Kaye St in the devastated North end. They were my relatives.
You will also note that the address "Protestant Orphanage" is given
for several victims; nearly half of those killed in the explosion were
children. The orphanage was rebuilt and is a community centre today,
located two blocks from my apartment (it was briefly visible in the
film "K-19", which was filmed here).
4) What was done to cope with the immediate and long-term effects of
the disaster?
Response to the tragedy was all but immediate. Massachusetts, and
Boston in particular, took a lead role in the international relief
effort. The first train filled with relief supplies and medical
personnel left Boston on the evening of December 6th, the very day of
the disaster. Ultimately, over $30 million (1917 dollars) in relief
was received from as far away as Australia and New Zealand, with the
federal government accounting for roughly half of the total.
Of all the assistance received, however, it was the warm, immediate,
and practical response from Boston that would be remembered most
vividly. To this day, the civic Christmas tree which is raised every
year in Boston's Prudential Plaza is provided as a memorial by the
grateful people of Nova Scotia.
In the days immediately following the disaster, impromptu committees
were raised to oversee relief efforts. These were quickly centralized
into the official Halifax Relief Commission; created by the federal
government in January 1918. The commission oversaw the administration
of all benefit claims and their resultant pensions, and looked to the
rehabilitation and rehousing of victims. The Commission was disbanded
only in 1976, when its remaining pensioners were transferred to the
care of the federal Department of Veterans Affairs.
Much good grew out of the disaster. When the city was rebuilt, the
formerly lackadaisical attitude of its administration to matters of
public health and medical care was no longer in evidence. Healthcare
facilities and budgets were greatly improved, and Halifax remains
today a centre of medical excellence. Regulations governing the use
of the harbour were also revamped and much improved. The city's
ramshackle trolley system was replaced with new, state-of-the-art
trams, and for the first time (from sheer necessity) many women found
jobs within the transit system.
Perhaps the longest-lasting benefit to the city was the rebuilding
process itself. Halifax's glory days had begun to pass with the end
of the age of sail; the years-long rebuilding process brought a degree
of bustle and activity to the city which minimized the postwar
economic slump. Further, Halifax served as something of a laboratory
for one the world's leading figures in urban planning.
Scottish-born Thomas Adams was given the opportunity to rebuild the
North End in accordance with the latest theories. Together with
protege Horace Llewellyn Seymour, Adams (arguably the most influential
urban planner of his day) laid out a new North End of broad streets,
grassy boulevards, and (a hard-won lesson) fireproof housing.
Constructed on non-uniform patterns from cinder blocks (known as
"hydrostones" at the time) the Hydrostone District remains the
centrepiece of today's North End.